Some New Insights and a Note Regarding Alexander Jannaeus Anchor/Star (TJC Group L) Coins
Abstract: 
				The article examines one specific type of 
				coin that was minted by Alexander Jannaeus and probably by his 
				successors, during the first century BCE. New variants and 
				unpublished specimens are discussed along with a proposal that 
				this coin type may be divided into four subtypes. The article 
				also considers the preparation of the dies used to mint the 
				smallest of this type of coin. Finally, the article proposes the 
				denomination that these coins had in the ancient Judean 
				marketplace.
Key Words: 
				Alexander Jannaeus http://d-nb.info/gnd/1048422461, 
				Judea 
				https://pleiades.stoa.org/places/687934, 1st century BCE – 
				1st century CE, Khirbet el-Maqatir http://d-nb.info/gnd/1151919179
Zusammenfassung: 
				Dieser Artikel untersucht einen spezifischen Münztyp, der von 
				Alexander Jannaeus und wahrscheinlich von seinen Nachfolgern im 
				1. Jh. v. Chr. geprägt wurde. Neue Varianten und unpublizierte 
				Exemplare werden diskutiert, einhergehend mit dem Vorschlag, 
				diesen Münztyp in vier Untertypen aufzu gliedern. Daneben wird 
				die Herstellung der Stempel berücksichtigt, mit denen die 
				kleinsten Exemplare dieses Typs geprägt wurden. Schließlich 
				machen die Autoren einen Vorschlag, welches Nominal diese Münzen 
				im judäischen Zahlungsverkehr einnahmen.
Schlagwörter: 
				Alexander Jannaeus, Judäa, 1. Jh. v. Chr. – 1. Jh. n. Chr., 
				Khirbet el-Maqatir 
The most common Jewish 
				coin in the archaeological record in Israel is a small bronze 
				coin minted by Alexander Jannaeus and likely by his successors 
				as well. Ya‘akov Meshorer in his »A Treasury of Jewish 
				Coins« (below cited with the common abbreviation TJC) 
				labels this type as group L with seventeen variants[1], 
				although there are apparently many dozens more. The obverse of 
				this type has an anchor surrounded by a circle; around the 
				circle is a Greek legend, on many of the coins imitative. The 
				reverse has an eight or six-ray star surrounded by a border of 
				dots; around the border is an Aramaic legend, on many of the 
				coins imitative. TJC L is also the only group of 
				Alexander Jannaeus coins that has a date (»year 25« = 79/8 BCE).
Since the publication of
				TJC, more than twenty years ago, an abundance of 
				new data is available that facilitates an affirmation and a fine 
				tuning of Meshorer’s conclusions. In this essay we seek to offer 
				a few insights on the TJC group L coins: 1) There 
				are two new variants of a star, now with five and seven rays. 2) 
				We propose that scholars discuss the TJC group L 
				coins in terms of four subgroups instead of identifying an ever 
				growing list of variants. 3) We present an unpublished and 
				interesting variant which proves that some dies were 
				intentionally made with a partial star image. 4) We propose that 
				two of our subgroups were intentionally struck on small and 
				irregular flans by Jannaeus successors to serve as half-prutah 
				coins.
Insight No. 1: Two new variants – five 
				and seven ray stars
				Two new variants in the depiction of the star for the TJC group L coins were recently discovered. The first variant depicts a star with five rays; one specimen of this type was discovered at Khirbet el-Maqatir[2] (0.61g, 5x7mm; fig. 1)[3] and a second is from a private collection (0.57g, 10x12.5mm; fig. 2)[4].

Fig. 1: From Kh. el-Maqatir, No. K041199
 
 
					
					The second new variant 
				depicts a star with seven rays. The excavations at Khirbet 
				el-Maqatir produced two such coins (figs. 3 and 4). These 
				two coins were initially identified and discussed in the final 
				excavation report for Khirbet el-Maqatir[5]. 
				Even though two different dies produced the coins with seven 
				rays, we are of the opinion that this is nothing more than an 
				anomaly resulting from poor craftsmanship in the making of the 
				dies. If a seven-ray star, or even a five-ray star, was 
				intentional we would expect that many more coins with five or 
				seven rays would have been found throughout Israel. 
 
 
					
					
Fig. 4: From Kh. el-Maqatir, No. K045186
Insight No. 2: The TJC group L coins may 
				be divided into at least four subgroups
				As stated above, 
				Meshorer’s standard reference for ancient Jewish coins, »A 
				Treasury of Jewish Coins«, classifies coins into major 
				types along with many variants of those types. For the group L 
				coins Meshorer lists seventeen different variants[6]. 
				They show such things as: variations in spelling, missing 
				letters, variations in the number of rays of the star, parts of 
				link pieces still attached to the flan, rays of the star 
				represented by dots, legends missing on the flan because the 
				smallness of the flan, and several other factors. While there is 
				value in identifying variants, with each new coin that is 
				discovered there is the likelihood of the list becoming longer. 
				While this is not a concern in and of itself, when it comes to 
				discussing the coins, numismatists have tended to group variants 
				into groups. For example, over the past twenty years, for 
				purposes of discussing the TJC group L coins, 
				numismatists have tended to group together L1–6 and L7–17[7]. 
				The rationale for this division may lie in TJC’s 
				description of the variants. Beginning at L7 Meshorer uses the 
				adjective »crude« and this then defines the remaining variants. 
				Having examined hundreds of TJC group L coins we 
				think that there are at least four main subgroups, rather than 
				two.
Subgroup L-I (fig. 5): 
				Designates coins whose flan is of sufficient size to accommodate 
				the legend on the outer edge of each side of the coin. The star 
				is depicted as having eight rays. These coins are the largest 
				and heaviest in this series (mean weight 1.27g and ranging 
				12–16mm in diameter)[8]. 
				Most of the TJC group L1–3 coins would fall into 
				this subgroup. Likely a development of the Alexander Jannaeus’s
				TJC group K coins, we consider this subgroup the 
				principle issue of group L.
 
 
					
					Subgroup L-II (fig. 6): Designates coins whose flan is slightly smaller and results in the legend on one or both sides of the coin to be significantly missing. The star is depicted as having eight rays and they are slightly smaller than L-I subgroup (mean weight 0.84g and ranging 8.5–15mm in diameter). Often the star is struck with more than 50% of it missing. Most of the TJC group L4–7 coins would fall into this subgroup. We consider this subgroup a contemporaneous less careful issue of group L-I, serving as the same denomination.

Fig. 6: From Kh. el-Maqatir, No. K044747
Subgroup L-III (fig. 7): Designates coins with smaller flans and the star is depicted as having six rays with the Aramaic legend, which includes Alexander Jannaeus’s name and the date »year 25«, removed. The size of the flan continues to shrink with the mean weight ~0.52g and the diameter ranging 7–14.5mm. Most of the TJC group L8–13 coins fall into this subgroup.

Fig. 7: From Kh. el-Maqatir, No. K041327
Subgroup L-IV (fig. 
				8): Designates coins that have the anchor hardly seen on one 
				side and just one or two rays of a star and dots that are linear 
				rather than forming a circle (one can also see an example in
				TJC L14). This subgroup is not just an even poorer 
				striking from an eight or six-ray die, as if the image is 
				accounted for by the die being off center to the flan. The eight 
				or six-ray die has the dots that make up the border circle at 
				the outer end of the rays. This particular die places dots 
				parallel to the ray, even down at the base of the ray. If it was 
				a regular die used on a very small flan we probably would not 
				see any dots on the star side. Additionally, we project that if 
				a die used to strike the star was a complete image (like the L-I 
				coins), that die would be at least 20 mm in diameter. This is 
				too large given the flan size. Therefore, the die was 
				intentionally made with just one ray and did not include a 
				complete star with a doted circle and legend around it (see 
				further discussion below, Insight 4). These flans are the 
				smallest in the L group, with a mean weight of just ~0.29g and a 
				diameter that ranges 5.5–12mm. 
				

Fig. 8: From Kh. el-Maqatir, No. K045115
Insight No. 3: Some dies were 
				intentionally made with a partial star image
				The following unpublished coin is from a private collection (0.5g, 9x10mm; fig. 9)[9]. The side of the star has two rays only, with two dots in between them and two square blundered imitations of Aramaic letters, which look like the Greek letter Π (pi). The other side has 3/4 of the anchor within a plain circle and some Greek letters around it, of which only the letter Λ (either lambda or alpha) is clearly visible.

Fig. 9: Ziv Zur collection (photo by Ziv Zur)
To assist in analyzing this unique coin, we placed the coin next to another TJC group L coin (fig. 10). Both coins are similar in size with the bottom coin being just 1mm larger (9.5 x 11 mm). The proportion of the anchor that is visible and space for the corresponding legend beyond the circle of the anchor is consistent between both coins. The coin from the private collection is thick enough to have a beveled edge visible on the anchor side; unlike the bottom coin which is too thin for a bevel. The imitation Aramaic lettering underneath the rays of the star are in a straight line; unlike the legend that curves around the dots that circle the star on other TJC group L coins. In addition, a close examination of the coin reveals what seems as a plain circle (in low relief) above the two rays, not part of the engraving of the die, but perhaps the physical edge of the die (see fig. 11).

Fig. 10: Ziv Zur coin on top; TJC group L coin on bottom from Kh. el-Maqatir, No. K041327

Fig. 11: The possible edge of the die above the rays
Generally, it seems that 
				the dies which were used for the crude types of TJC 
				L (our groups III–IV) are usually one and a half to two times 
				larger than the image actually struck on a coin. The size of 
				this coin (9x10mm) and the size of the designs suggests that in 
				this case the die used for the anchor was ~16mm and the die used 
				for the star was ~10mm[10]. 
				The die used for the anchor is clearly too large for the flan. 
				But for the star, what we see on the coin is evidence that at 
				least in this case the die was intentionally made to not include 
				a complete design of a star with six or eight rays and a 
				complete legend around it, but only part of the whole design was 
				included in the die. Likewise, one should note that no such 
				possible frame can be seen around the design on the anchor side, 
				supporting the position that a larger die was used to strike 
				that side. This partial star die, which includes part of the 
				star (two rays), part of the surrounding dotted circle (two 
				dots) and part of the surrounding legend (two letters), was good 
				enough to represent the whole design in order that it could be 
				identified by the person who would use it. 
In reviewing the coins from Khirbet el-Maqatir we discovered an interesting parallel to this coin. The five-ray star coin from Khirbet el-Maqatir (fig. 1) is similar in weight to the coin from the private collection (0.61g compared to 0.5g), but it is one-third the size (5x7mm compared to 9mm). As already mentioned the star is depicted with five rays, unusual for these Alexander Jannaeus coins since they are typically six or eight rays. But the most curious feature is the spacing of the rays, the two dots between the rays, and the surviving letters underneath the rays (fig. 12). A die-link is not possible for these two coins due to the difference in size. Likewise, there is nothing on the Khirbet el-Maqatir coin that could account for the possible mark from the edge of the die above the rays as appears on the coin from the private collection (fig. 11). Nevertheless, we suggest that the inspiration for the die that was used for the two-ray coin comes from imitating part of a five-ray star with dots and letters.

Fig. 12: From Kh. el-Maqatir, No. K041199 with rays, dots, and lettering similar to the coin in fig. 9
Using our proposed 
				sub-types, Insight 2 (above), we would place this coin from the 
				private collection alongside the L-IV subgroup. This grouping is 
				justified for two reasons. First, the commonality of a small 
				flan. Second, the image of a star struck by a die that was 
				intentionally made with a partial star image. 
If we are correct in our 
				basic understanding of this coin, then there is a significant 
				implication that leads to our final insight – that groups L-III 
				and L-IV were intentionally struck on small and irregular flans 
				to serve as half-prutah coins, likely by Jannaeus’s 
				successors. 
Insight No. 4: Groups L-III and L-IV were 
				intentionally struck on small and irregular flans to serve as 
				half-prutah coins, possibly by Jannaeus's successors
				Numismatists have long 
				acknowledged the difficulty in naming and assigning 
				denominational value to Judean bronze coins. Citing Arie Kindler[11], 
				David Hendin affirms that the Judean bronze coins are most 
				properly called prutot (sg. prutah) and half-prutot 
				(also called a lepton in Greek)[12]. 
				In his study of the metrology of these small bronze coins Hendin 
				confirms the view of Meshorer that the denominations are not 
				distinguished by weight. Rather, one distinguishes the 
				denominations by the design of the coin[13]. 
				Hendin makes the following conclusions about the denominations 
				of some of the Judean small bronze coins:
1)   
				The irregular TJC group L coins are degraded 
				prutot and not half-prutah coins. Hendin says that 
				Alexander Jannaeus did produce a half-prutah coin as 
				evidenced in the coin’s different design but they are very 
				scarce[14]. 
				Hendin probably meant TJC group O coins, although 
				he did not state this. 
2)   
				Mattathias Antigonus did not mint half-prutot[15]
3)   
				Herod I did mint half-prutot but they have proved to be 
				quite rare in the archaeological record[16]
4)   
				Herod Archelaus minted a half-prutot[17]
5)   
				Hendin does not identify anyone else who minted Judean bronze 
				coins of the half-prutah denomination.
Accepting the conclusion 
				that the design and diameter is the key to distinguishing the 
				denomination (in most cases regarding bronze coins), our 
				proposal is that the L-II subgroup was minted contemporaneous to 
				L-I subgroup or in subsequent years but prior to Alexander 
				Jannaeus’s death. The smaller flan that was used for the L-II 
				subgroup may have been necessitated by the population’s need for
				prutot given the large geographical expansion of 
				Jannaeus’s kingdom. The smaller flans allowed for more coins to 
				be minted from the same amount of metal. 
We also propose that the 
				L-III and L-IV subgroups were minted after Alexander Jannaeus’s 
				reign and that they, along with the L-II already in circulation, 
				were used as half-prutah coins by the time of the first 
				century CE[18]. 
				This proposal takes into account three considerations: the 
				change in the dimensions (weight and diameter) and shape of the 
				flans (from round flans to more oval or elongated); the design 
				of the TJC group L coins, from a star with eight 
				rays to one with six to one with two or fewer rays; and the 
				historical reality of a lack of half-prutot in the first 
				century CE, along with the high frequency of L-II, L-III, and 
				L-IV coins recovered in first century CE contexts (see Table 1 
				for a summary)[19].
Table 1: Suggested 
				denominational usage of TJC 
				group L coins
| 
						Group L | During 
						Alexander Jannaeus’s Lifetime | Mid 1st 
						century BCE | By late 1st 
						century BCE | 
| L-I | Prutah | Prutah | Half-prutah
   | 
| L-II | Prutah | Prutah | Half-prutah
   | 
| L-III |  | Prutah 
						or half-prutah (?) | Half-prutah
   | 
| L-IV |  | Half-prutah
   | Half-prutah
   | 
						
There are two 
				distinguishing characteristics between the L-II and L-III types, 
				regarding the dies presenting the star. The first is the change 
				from an eight-ray star to a six-ray star. The second is the 
				removal of the Aramaic legend which includes Alexander 
				Jannaeus’s name and the date »year 25«. We think it is 
				reasonable that these two changes are an acknowledgement on the 
				part of the engravers that these coins are not ›real‹ Alexander 
				Jannaeus coins. Thus these coins were minted after the death of 
				Alexander Jannaeus. We think it is most reasonable to assert 
				that the striking of the L-III coins occurred in the mid-first 
				century BCE. Whether the L-III types were intended to be 
				prutot or half-prutot remains undetermined. Hendin 
				believes that the intent of these coins was to be prutot, 
				especially when initially struck in the mid-first century BCE[20]. 
				We have no firm objections to this conclusion. However, we do 
				not wish to rule out the possibility that the L-III coins were 
				minted after Alexander Jannaeus reign to serve as half-prutot
				while the L-I and L-II continued to be used by the 
				population as prutot (along with all the other types of 
				Alexander Jannaeus’s coins; see more below). 
As for the L-IV coins, 
				these coins are the most difficult to understand. Part of the 
				difficulty in understanding this proposed subgroup is that these 
				coins are usually not collected in excavations that do not use 
				metal detection; consequently, they do not appear in reports. As 
				we commented above, the dies used to make these coins appear to 
				be purposeful. Perhaps the creation of a one-ray or two-ray star 
				die was nothing more than an aesthetic gesture since the flans 
				had become so small. Such a die ensured that at least one or two 
				rays would be visible instead of the potential for no rays to be 
				visible with the use of a larger die on such a small flan. When 
				the L-IV coins were struck and their denominational value are a 
				great enigma. Whatever one concludes about the date of striking 
				and the denominational value of the L-III coins likely applies 
				to the L-IV coins[21]. 
				In any case it is hard to believe that the denominational value 
				of the L-IV coins, which are the tiniest and the most crude of 
				this type, was intended to be the same as L-I–III coins, thus 
				they were most probably struck in order to serve as half-prutot.
Regardless of the 
				original denominational value of the L-III and L-IV coins, we 
				believe that by the late first century BCE and first century CE 
				these coins were used as half-prutot[22]. 
				There are two main reasons for our suggestion. First, while the 
				ruling authorities (i.e., the Herodians and the Roman governors) 
				are producing prutot in the late first century BCE and 
				first century CE, there was a lack of production of half-prutot 
				in this period and especially during the first century CE. As 
				mentioned above, no one has suggested that half-prutot 
				were minted after Archelaus. Second, the archaeological data 
				shows the frequency of the TJC group L coins found 
				in first century CE contexts[23]. 
				In the first century CE people are clearly using the TJC 
				group L coins, and thus it seems that there was a need for these 
				coins, probably as half-prutot[24]. 
				If the ruling authorities are not producing enough of this small 
				change then the people are meeting their need by continuing to 
				use the Alexander Jannaeus TJC group L coins more 
				than a century after they were struck or by the (tolerated?, 
				unauthorized?) minting of some of these coins during the first 
				century CE.
A Note regarding the production technique 
				of TJC L coins
				In 1922 Hill discussed 
				the ancient methods of coining. One of his insights was that
				a very common fault, especially in small 
				coins, was caused by the dies being badly registered, so that 
				only part of the type of one side was struck on the blank, the 
				greater part of the blank being left empty. This faulty 
				adjustment, in the case of blanks cast en chapelet and 
				not separated before striking, but placed on an anvil in which 
				several obverse dies were set, would produce coins with 
				impression of parts of two different dies on the same side. The 
				blank was evidently placed so as to lie partly on two obverse 
				dies, and the reverse die was brought down on it; thus a 
				complete reverse impression was associated with two partial 
				obverses[25].
One of his examples was 
				a coin of Alexander Jannaeus published by him in his BMC
				Palestine[26]. 
				In 2014 Nikolaus Schindel published a note on the production of 
				Hasmonean coins, showing more examples of this technique. He 
				also noted »significantly, basically all scholars who have 
				discussed multiple dies have assumed that they were cut into the 
				metal block at the same time and used simultaneously (…) my idea 
				is that the purpose of cutting several die impressions into the 
				same piece of metal was simply to make the most economical use 
				of the block of metal without remelting and totally reworking 
				it«[27].
We accept the suggestion 
				that the technique of striking the flans on an anvil into which 
				several dies were cut (rather than small circular dies set into 
				the anvil) was used for Hasmonean coins, including coins during 
				Alexander Jannaeus’s reign. We suggest that this technique could 
				have been altered in order to advance the striking process of
				TJC L coins, especially L-II–IV. While hundreds of 
				flans could have been prepared simultaneously in connected-flan 
				molds[28], 
				striking them, one-by-one was likely not very efficient. Any 
				method that would make it easier to produce large numbers of 
				coins quickly would have been welcomed by the mint workers. Thus 
				we suggest, yet without proof, that flans could have been struck 
				simultaneously, while they are still attached to the strip, by 
				using an anvil into which images of several lower dies were cut 
				and a hammer into which images of several upper dies were cut. 
				Another option is that a rectangular metal block, into which 
				images of several upper dies were cut, was placed on the strip 
				and then hit by a large hammer held by the mint worker; thus, in 
				one hit he could actually strike several coins. This technique 
				could be especially useful for coins of a small diameter, such 
				as types L-II–IV.
Within this discussion we also note the existence of many L-III–IV coins that were struck on what appears to be pieces of metal initially refused from the casting process. Excavation reports seem, in most cases, to avoid publishing these extremely defective coins. The excavation team at Khirbet el-Maqatir, with the use of a metal detector, recovered dozens of these specimens, struck on flans with almost no resemblance of a legitimate coin. Upon inspection it seems that all of them have one side which was attached to a flan strip and all of them are beveled; thus, we can assume that they are defective flans (and not just pieces of scrap bronze), perhaps the last ones in each strip of flans. A wide variety of such specimens were chosen for publication in the Khirbet el-Maqatir excavation final report, with a few shown here (Fig. 13)[29].

Fig. 13: Representative coins from Khirbet el-Maqatir struck on defective flans
Why these defective 
				flans were struck instead of being gathered, remelted, and cast 
				into ›normal‹ flans, is unknown. Maybe it was out of 
				indifference since the coins were mass produced, resulting in 
				little concern for quality control. The mint was given a certain 
				amount/weight of bronze to make coins and the money bag was 
				returned with the same weight of coins. The production of such 
				crude coins, struck on defective flans, and their use in 
				circulation might be another possible evidence that types 
				L-III–IV were struck after Jannaeus, as he would probably not 
				agree to the use of such coins, never seen before. 
						
						
						[1] 
						TJC, p. 210.
						
						
						[2] The 
						Associates for Biblical Research excavated Khirbet 
						el-Maqatir from 1995–2000 and 2009–2016. Khirbet 
						el-Maqatir is located in the central hill country of 
						Judea 16 km north of Jerusalem (NIG: 213403 E / 605355 
						N). For the publication of the coins see Farhi 
						forthcoming.
						
						
						[3] 
						Unless otherwise noted, all of the coin photos are by 
						Michael C. Luddeni. We wish to thank C. Corbin Kuhn for 
						formatting all of our figures.
						
						
						[4] We 
						wish to thank David Hendin for permission to include 
						this coin in our study.
						
						
						[5] 
						Larsen forthcoming.
						
						
						[6] 
						TJC, p. 210, L1–L17.
						
						
						[7] See 
						for example, Shachar 2004, p. 7; Ariel 2014, pp. 
						245–249, 251–254; Ariel 2016, p. 80; also Krupp (2011, 
						pp. 41–42) 
						finds it convenient to divide the small anchor/star 
						coins into two subgroups (his Types P and PB). 
						
						
						[8] The 
						metrology for all of the subgroups in the following 
						discussion was determined by using coins from Khirbet 
						el-Maqatir (cf. note 1). L-I: 
						18 coins; L-II: 
						149 coins; L-III: 
						491 coins; L-IV: 
						78 coins.
						
						
						[9] We 
						wish to thank Ziv Zur, Israel, for permission to include 
						this coin in our study.
						
						
						[10] 
						Reference Fig.10. For the coin in the private 
						collection, if the plain circle around the rays is 
						projected to a complete circle that surrounds the rays 
						and letters, then the image would be ~10mm in diameter. 
						For the TJC L coin, the rays are 4–5mm in 
						length; thus the radius of the star itself should be 
						10mm, with another 4–5mm for the circle and legends, the 
						star die would be ~15mm in diameter. Both coins have a 
						similar sized anchor. The size of a complete anchor is 
						~8mm. If another 8mm is added for a complete circle and 
						legend, then the anchor side would be ~16mm in diameter.
						
						
						[11] Kindler 1967, p. 
						186.
						
						
						[12] Hendin 2009, p. 
						107.
						
						
						[13]
						TJC, p. 71; Hendin 2009, p. 108.
						
						
						[14] Hendin 2009, p. 
						113.
						
						
						[15] Hendin 2009, p. 
						114.
						
						
						[16] Hendin 2009, p. 
						117; GBC, p. 240–241, nos. 1185–1187.
						
						
						[17] 
						Hendin 2009, p. 117; GBC, p. 245, no. 1197. 
						Contra Meshorer (TJC, p. 80 and 225, no. 
						72).
						
						
						[18] In 
						the expanded discussion below, our proposal is not 
						suggesting that merchants and buyers in the ancient 
						markets were trying to count rays on these tiny, crudely 
						struck coins to distinguish their denominational value. 
						However, it would have been simple, as it is today, to 
						distinguish between L-I (and possibly L-II) in contrast 
						to L-III–IV, just by looking at the size and shape of 
						the flans. 
						
						
						[19] 
						Meshorer’s TJC group L1–3 coins are much 
						more scarce in excavations compared to other Alexander 
						Jannaeus coins. For example, at Khirbet el-Maqatir 18 
						coins of type L1–3 were found compared to 74 group K 
						coins and 720 L4–16 coins. A reasonable explanation for 
						this is that L1–3 coins were struck in a shorter period 
						(80/79–76 BCE at the maximum), while the other types had 
						much more time to appear.
						
						
						[20] 
						Hendin 2009, p. 113.
						
						
						[21] 
						Ideally, the question of when these coins were minted 
						could be answered if we could find and excavate a site 
						which was built and occupied during the reign of 
						Alexander Jannaeus and ceased being occupied prior to 
						Herod I. If such a site lacked L-III and L-IV coins, 
						then one could begin to build an argument for the 
						minting of these coins in the late first century BCE or 
						during the first half of the first century CE.
						
						
						[22] See 
						also Krupp 2011, p. 42.
						
						
						[23] 
						Rappaport 1984, p. 39; Syon 2014, p. 115; Syon 2015, pp. 
						45–47; Farhi 2016, p. 73; Larsen forthcoming.
						
						
						[24] If 
						not after the Roman conquest of 64 BCE, certainly 
						after 6 CE, when, following the deposition of Herod 
						Archelaus Judea came under direct Roman rule, the 
						continued use of Alexander Jannaeus coins may have also 
						provided a not-so-subtle declaration against Roman rule 
						(for a more developed argument see Larsen forthcoming). 
						
						
						[25] Hill 
						1922, pp. 36–37.
						
						
						[26]
						BMC Palestine, pl. XXII:4.
						
						
						[27] 
						Schindel 2014, p. 47. Woytek (2006, pl. 11.22) published 
						an image of a metal block (47x25mm) with two die 
						impressions cut into the metal (each impression is 17 
						and 15mm respectively).
						
						
						[28] See, 
						for example Ariel 2012, p. 55 (Table 2), who list 
						several connected-flan molds, some with the ability to 
						make hundreds of flans at one time. 
						
						
						[29] The 
						coins in figure 13 will appear, with these numbers, in 
						Farhi forthcoming.