Copies of Ancient Coins and Inventions all’antica in the Work of Jacopo Strada*
In memory of my friend and colleague Michael Matzke
Zusammenfassung: Jacopo Strada 
				betont in seinem Werk Epitome Thesauri antiquitatum (Lyon 
				1553), dass man »die Münzen gut kennen müsse, um 
				echte von zeitgenössischen Nachahmungen zu unterscheiden« 
				(i.e. die Paduaner). Dies gelingt ihm selbst aber auch nicht 
				immer. So finden sich in seinem Münzcorpus mit über 8.000 
				Münzen, dem Magnum ac Novum Opus (MaNO), 
				zahlreiche Nachahmungen antiker Münzen aus dem 16. Jahrhundert.
Diese finden sich aber nicht nur im Werk 
				Stradas, sondern ebenfalls in den Werken anderer 
				zeitgenössischer Antiquare, wie Enea Vico, Pirro Ligorio und 
				Hubertus Goltzius. Darüber hinaus schafft Strada auch ›neue‹ 
				Münzen, die er in seinem Münzcorpus abbildet und denen er durch 
				seine Münzbeschreibungen in der Diaskeué eine 
				vermeintlich gesicherte Authentizität verschafft.
In dem Beitrag werden einige dieser ›neuen‹ 
				Münzen und Paduaner vorgestellt, zugrundeliegende Quellen 
				aufgezeigt und ihre Rezeption durch Zeitgenossen dokumentiert. 
				Dadurch ergeben sich neue Einblicke in die Arbeits- und 
				Vorgehensweise renaissancezeitlicher Antiquare.
Schlagwörter: Jacopo Strada
				
				http://d-nb.info/gnd/118834320, Giovanni da Cavino
				
				http://d-nb.info/gnd/122755413, Geschichte der Numismatik, 
				Nachahmungen von Münzen, Antiquare der Renaissance.
Abstract: 
				In his work Epitome Thesauri antiquitatum (Lyon 1553), 
				Strada emphasised the importance of thorough numismatic 
				knowledge to distinguish original coins from modern imitations 
				(i.e. ›Paduans‹). Nonetheless, he was often mistaken and his 
				corpus of over 8,000 coins, the Magnum ac Novum Opus (MaNO), 
				includes numerous sixteenth-century imitations of ancient coins.
These imitations were 
				also depicted in the works of his contemporaries, e.g. the 
				antiquarians Enea Vico, Pirro Ligorio and Hubertus Goltzius. 
				Strada also created ›new‹ coins illustrated in the MaNO and 
				seemingly authenticated by descriptions in the Diaskeué.
My contribution presents 
				a number of ›new‹ coins and Paduans together with essential 
				source material and their reception by Strada’s contemporaries. 
				Thereby, in-depth insight into methodology and approach of 
				Renaissance antiquarians is provided.
Jacopo Strada (fig. 1) 
				was born in Mantua (b. 1505‒1515, d. 1588 in Vienna) as the son 
				of aristocratic parents[1]. 
				In Mantua, he was trained as goldsmith and painter and belonged 
				to the circle of Giulio Romano[2]. 
				His main interest lay in the field of ancient numismatics[3]. 
				Giulio Romano owned a considerable coin collection stored in his 
				house in Mantua which Strada frequently visited[4]. 
				Back in the 1530s, Strada sought to contact Roman antiquarians 
				and collectors. Even then, he started to document inscriptions 
				and coins.
 
					
					By the 1540s, Strada 
				must have had acquired a certain renown as an expert in 
				antiquities, since from 1544 he worked as antiquarian for Johann 
				Jakob Fugger (1516‒1575). In 1546, he temporarily settled in 
				Nuremberg, working as painter and goldsmith. During this period, 
				he started to collect material for his future numismatic 
				writings. Fugger sponsored his studies by granting him funds for 
				his journeys to France and Italy, where he visited coin 
				collections and exchanged ideas with fellow antiquarians. In 
				1553, before leaving for Rome to spend two years as Fugger’s 
				antiquities’ scout, he published in Lyon the only printed book 
				he ever authored.
This book was the 
				Epitome Thesauri Antiquitatum, hoc 
				est Impp. Rom. Orientalium et 
				Occidentalium Iconum, ex antiquis Numismatibus quàm fidelißimè 
				deliniatarum. Ex Musaeo Iacobi de 
				Strada Mantuani Antiquarij (Epitome)
				(fig. 2)[5]. 
				The Epitome is a book of biographies enriched with 
				portraits of the Roman emperors from Julius Caesar to Charles V, 
				including their relatives (fig. 3)[6].
 
					
					
 
					
					In addition, the 
				Epitome contains short descriptions of several coin reverses[7]. 
				These reverses remained without illustrations, since the 
				conversion into woodcuts would have required a considerable 
				amount of time and technical effort[8]. 
				Strada took many of these reverse motifs[9] 
				from the illustrations of his MAGNUM AC NOVUM OPUS Continens 
				descriptionem Vitae imaginum, numismatum omnium tam Orientalium 
				quam Occidentalium Imperatorum ac Tyrannorum, cum collegis 
				coniugibus liberisque suis, usque ad Carolu(m) V. Imperatorem.
				A Iacobo de Strada Mantuano 
				elaboratum. TOMUS PRIMUS. ANNO DOMINI MDL 
				(MaNO) (fig. 4)[10].
				This thirty-volume work is the 
				subject of our research project at the Forschungszentrum Gotha[11].
 
						
					The descriptions in the
				Epitome are so precise that the coins and contorniates 
				mentioned can be identified[12]. 
				Strada was the first to publish descriptions of coin reverses 
				and thus made a considerable contribution to sixteenth-century 
				numismatic research[13]. 
				In addition, his comments provide information on many aspects of 
				numismatics and antiquarian research: i.e. religion, ceremonies, 
				architecture and Roman society. Strada’s research on ancient 
				monuments was based on the concept of the division of 
				antiquitates into sacrae, publicae, 
				privatae and militares as established by Marcus 
				Terentius Varro[14]. 
				In the preface of the Epitome he wrote about the 
				importance of in-depth knowledge of the coins to be able to 
				distinguish genuine exemplars from contemporary 
				imitations/fantasies[15]. 
				He said that, in his days, coins existed that were made by 
				»engravers who are as brilliant as they are excellent, [so] that 
				they are comparable to the ancients, and who are too well-known 
				to be named here. Therefore, one must take the greatest care to 
				select the coins which have just been made in bas-relief by the 
				[masters] who are particularly experienced, for their beauty and 
				elegance«[16].
				The names of these engravers can be found 
				in Enea Vico’s Discorsi sopra le medaglie[17]: 
				Giovanni da Cavino and his son; Vettore Gambello, Benvenuto 
				Cellini, Alessandro Cesati called Greco, Leone Leoni from 
				Arezzo, Iacopo da Trezzo and Federico Bonzagna from Parma.
				At the time, Federico Bonzagna was 
				considered the most talented of these modern engravers[18].
Nonetheless, as will be 
				shown below, even Strada did not always succeed in 
				distinguishing modern creations from original ancient coins. He 
				was also not averse to inventing coin motifs that he then 
				included in his numismatic works. Here, I present three examples 
				of illustrations from volumes 1 to 14 of the MaNO[19].
Strada’s Creative 
				Numismatics
				The first example is a 
				rather visually expressive coin, depicting the murder of Cicero. 
				It is described in the Epitome, in which only its obverse 
				is illustrated (fig. 5). Obverse and reverse are shown on a 
				drawing in the MaNO (figs 6a and b)[20] 
				and described in the A<ureorum> A<rgenteorum> A<ereorum> 
				NumismatΩn Antiquorum: ΔΙАΣKEYH. Hoc est, Chaldaeorum, 
				Arabum, Libycorum, Græcorum, Hetruscorum, ac Macedoniæ, Asiæ, 
				Syriae, Ægypti, Syculorum, Latinorum, seu Romanorum Regum, a 
				primordio Vrbis, Deûm, Coss. tempore Reipub: & crescente adhuc, 
				tam sub Cæss. Latinis, in occidente, quam Græcis Impp. in 
				oriente, declinante Imperio P.R. denique Hexarchorum, Barbarorum 
				Principum, Ducumuè: METALLICARUM EICONUM explicatio. Ex Musæo 
				IACOBI STRADÆ Mantuani Antiquarij, Civis Romani: Cum septem 
				Indicibus Locupletissimis, partim Alphabeticis, quibus res 
				diuersissimæ continentur, partim serierum, quæ Regum, Cæss. 
				Impp. ac Tyrannorum, necnon Heroinarum nomina perscribunt 
				(Diaskeué) (fig. 7)[21]. 
				This eleven-volume manuscript of coin descriptions is a further 
				subject of our research project. Strada states in the 
				Diaskeué that he saw this bronze coin at Giulio Romano's 
				house in Mantua[22], 
				while in the Epitome he mentions Rome as the coin’s home[23], 
				Unfortunately, no original coin model could be determined for 
				the two drawings[24].
				Strada used here a literary source as 
				basis for the coin drawing, i. e. a 
				reference to Livy. He described the proscriptions under the 
				triumvirate of Octavian, Lepidus and Antonius, the aim of which 
				it was to avenge Caesar, and named the most famous victims[25]. 
				Their portraits are depicted on the obverse of the coin. The 
				reverse of an aureus minted for Septimius Severus might have 
				been used as model (figs 8a and b). There, Julia Domna is 
				depicted between Caracalla and Geta[26].

Fig. 5: Coin with the triumviri, Epitome, p. 11 (HAB Wolfenbüttel)
						
					
					
						
					
Fig. 7: Frontispiece of the Diaskeué 1 (UB Wien)
						
					
					
						
					Sometimes it is assumed 
				that this dramatic scene (fig. 9) was based on models used in 
				the paintings of the great decorative programmes of the time. 
				Nonetheless, no corresponding models could be identified in the 
				work of Giulio Romano[27] 
				or in Rome[28]. 
				Only for some individual motifs potential models could be 
				discerned, as happened, for example, for the presentation of 
				Cicero’s head by the legionary Laena. Such scenes exist on the 
				Column of Trajan[29],
				of which Strada probably made a copy (fig. 10)[30]. 
				The trial scene, composed like a stage set, might instead have 
				been modelled on miniature drawings by Giorgio Giulio Clovio 
				(1498‒1578)[31], 
				for example on the book illuminations entitled The Conversion 
				of Proconsul Sergius (fig. 11) and Faith, Love, Hope 
				(fig. 12). Since none of Strada’s contemporaries illustrated 
				this coin, i.e. neither Enea Vico, Hubertus Goltzius, Sebastiano 
				Erizzo nor Pirro Ligorio, it is safe to assume that it was 
				Strada’s own invention.
 
					
					
 
					
					
 
					
					
 
					
					Another one of Strada’s 
				very creative and peculiar inventions is a ship with a prora 
				in the shape of an elephant’s head (figs 13a and b)[32]. 
				It can be found in the third volume of the MaNO which is 
				dedicated to the coins of Marcus Antonius. Unfortunately, there 
				is no description in the Diaskeué nor could an exact 
				ancient model be identified[33]. 
				What led Strada to this invention – perhaps meant as an allusion 
				to Cleopatra and the lost Egyptian fleet[34] 
				or simply the misinterpretation of a coin image – must remain 
				without answer.
						
					
					
						
					The third coin offers 
				Strada’s most interesting invention, accepted until the 
				nineteenth century. It is a denarius with Augustus radiate but 
				no legend on the obverse. On the reverse (fig. 14), the temple 
				of Janus Quadrifrons is shown with the inscription PAX ORBIS 
				TERRARVM IMP. PERPET. S. C. This coin is said to have been in 
				Strada’s own coin collection.
				
 
					
					No such ancient coin 
				ever existed. The model for this invention was probably a 
				sesterce of Hadrian, also depicted by Du Choul in his work 
				Discours della religion des ancien Romains, on which Janus 
				is depicted with three faces (fig. 15)[35], 
				although normally he is only shown with two. For the temple 
				building, Strada borrowed parts of the illustration of the 
				Temple of Janus on coins of Nero which he also depicted in the
				MaNO (fig. 16)[36], 
				e.g. the gate of the temple and the construction of the roof. 
				Furthermore, the coin legend itself is an invention. It actually 
				either refers to Christ or to an ideal Christian ruler[37], 
				since for the motif on the coin obverse – showing Augustus 
				radiate, and therefore deified, as described in the Diaskeué 
				– a ›divus‹ legend would normally be expected[38]. 
				Du Choul was Strada’s only contemporary who illustrated this 
				representation of the temple (fig. 17)[39] 
				which, as he states, he had received from Strada (see 
				fig. 
				15). Du Choul's work was later adopted by 
				Louis XIV’s and Napoleon I’s coin engravers to commemorate 
				successful peace treaties, i.e. the Peace of 
				Rastatt in 1714 (figs 18a and b)[40] 
				and the Peace of Pressburg (today Bratislava) of 1805 (figs 19a 
				and b)[41].
				When the peace treaty of Pressburg, 
				negotiated by Francis I of Austria, was broken in 1809 and the 
				French army remained victorious, Napoleon issued a coin with the 
				motif of the Janus Temple. In this case, the temple was not 
				shown with open doors, as had been customary in ancient Rome in 
				times of war, but with broken doors (figs 20a and b) meant to 
				indicate a particularly violent breach of peace[42].
 
					
					
 
					
					
 
					
					
						
					
					
						
					
						
					
					
						
					
					
					
					
						
					In particular, the third 
				example shows how much iconographic and numismatic knowledge 
				Strada was able to use for his inventions. Therefore, he managed 
				to design details that could not be found on ancient originals 
				in such a way that they seemed authentic to his contemporaries 
				(e.g. Du Choul).
Therefore, in the 
				following section, selected exemplars of coin drawings from the 
				first 14 volumes of Strada’s MaNO will be presented. 
				These drawings were based on inventions by contemporary 
				engravers who also used their talents to design coins after the 
				antique that owed more to their imagination than to ancient 
				originals.
Creations by Cavino and 
				his Contemporaries
				To identify Cavino’s and 
				his contemporaries’ inventions solely by the use of 
				drawings is very difficult. There only remains an identification 
				based on inaccuracies in their presentation or on mistakes in 
				the coin legends. An identification becomes impossible, if the 
				model for the copy is an authentic coin and if the copy matches 
				it. In this case, only the careful study of its condition, of 
				the material and of the edges makes it possible to recognise 
				whether it is a Paduan. 
Inventions without 
				direct ancient models can be found in the first volume of the 
				MaNO, for example in the case of »Caesar on the Elephant 
				Quadriga« (figs 21a and b)[43]. 
				Strada claimed to have seen this coin in the collection of 
				Antonio Agustín[44]. 
				This claim can however not be confirmed, since Agustín’s 
				collection was looted and dispersed by Napoleonic troops in the 
				early nineteenth century[45]. 
				There is no matching illustration in his Dialoghi intorno 
				alle medaglie etc. Rather, the coin seems to have been 
				Cavino’s invention (figs 22a and b) and is not depicted by other 
				antiquarians[46].
						
					
					
						
					
						
					
					
						
					Volume 12 of the MaNO 
				shows a coin with Titus, laureate and looking to the left, on 
				the obverse and an Italia with mural crown sitting on a globe on 
				the reverse (figs 23a and b)[47]. 
				Unfortunately, there is no description in the Diaskeué; 
				therefore we do not know, in which collection Strada saw this 
				coin. Its provenance would be of particular interest, since 
				Klawans assumes that the coin is a modern forgery[48]. 
				While the illustration in the MaNO proves its existence 
				in the sixteenth century, only Sebastian Erizzo included its 
				depiction in his Discorso sopra le medaglie antiche etc.
				(fig. 24)[49], 
				in which it is shown with the same reverse legend ITALIA S C.
						
					
					
						
					
 
					
					A further invention by 
				Cavino without any direct ancient model is a coin with Vespasian 
				on the obverse and the Colosseum and the Meta Sudans on the 
				reverse (figs 25a and b)[50]. 
				He claimed to have seen it in Fugger’s as well as Agustín’s 
				collections. Here, Cavino combined the obverses and reverses of 
				several ancient models (obverse of the sesterce of Vespasian 
				with the reverse of a sesterce of Domitian for his deified 
				brother Titus (figs 26a and b)[51]. 
				Strada described Vespasian on the obverse as »looking to the 
				right« (fig. 27); in the same way he is also shown on the – 
				probably – original Paduan. There, the legend COS VII 
				substitutes the inscription of COS VIII included in both drawing 
				and description. Nonetheless, Strada presented Vespasian as 
				»looking to the left«, identical to another Paduan based on a 
				sesterce of Titus (figs 28a and b)[52]. 
				Apart from Strada, no other antiquarian reproduced this coin.
						
					
					
						
					
						
					
					
						
					
 
					
					
						
					
					
						
					Cavino’s imitation of 
				Nero’s Porta-Ostiensis coin is also found in the ninth volume of 
				the MaNO (figs 29a and b)[53]. 
				The fact that this coin was an imitation created by Cavino is 
				evident by the row of shields on the ship in the coin’s centre 
				(fig. 30) which can only be found on this imitation. In the 
				Diaskeué, Strada claimed to have this piece in his own 
				collection[54]. 
				His contemporaries however reproduced the ancient original[55].
					
					
					
						
					
 
					
					Another Paduan shows 
				»Augustus among the Gods« (figs 31a and b)[56]. 
				Strada depicted Augustus with a shield in his left hand and a 
				sceptre in his right in addition to Terra with a sea monster and 
				Oceanus with a dragon-like monster as shown on the imitation by 
				Cavino (figs 32a and b)[57]. 
				On the contorniate, dating to the fourth century AD 
				(figs 
				33a and b)[58], 
				which probably served as model, Augustus holds a globe in his 
				left hand and a spear in his right; Victoria holds a wreath in 
				her raised right hand; a bovine is placed behind Terra and next 
				to her appears a blossoming plant. A dolphin-like sea monster 
				stands before Oceanus with crab claws stuck in his hair, while a 
				water plant can be seen behind his back. Vico and Ligorio 
				(figs 
				34a and b) also depicted this Paduan, whereas Goltzius shows the 
				original (fig. 34c)[59].
					
					
					
						
					
						
					
					
						
					
						
					
					
						
					
						
					
					
						
					
					
						
					For the final piece to 
				be discussed here, Strada described the ancient originals in the
				Diaskeué in detail, while presenting a new, previously 
				unknown version in the MaNO. The coin’s ancient original 
				shows ›Honos‹ (to the left) and ›Virtus‹ (to the right) 
				looking at each other (figs 35a, b and c). ›Honos‹ holds a 
				cornucopia in his left hand and a sceptre in his right; ›Virtus‹ 
				wears a helmet and military attire, the parazonium is in her 
				right hand and a lance in her left. Her right foot rests on a 
				helmet and the legend reads: HONOS ET VIRTVS S C[60]. 
				The coin image is described in the Diaskeue in the same 
				way[61]. 
				Strada mentions Antonio Agustín as the owner, whose collection – 
				as mentioned above – was looted and dispersed by Napoleonic 
				troops in the early nineteenth century. In Agustín’s original 
				edition Dialogos de medallas inscriciones etc., 
				this coin was depicted exactly as described by Strada, i.e. 
				identically to the ancient original[62]. 
				Ligorio as well depicted it in this fashion[63]. 
				On Cavino's imitation (fig. 35b)[64], 
				however, Honos places his right foot on a dolphin and Virtus her 
				right foot on a turtle. Vico also reproduced the coin in 
				accordance with the Paduan (fig. 35c)[65], 
				whereas Strada turned the dolphin into a helmet and the turtle 
				into a globe (fig. 36a)[66].
						
					
					
						
					
						
					
					
						
					The model for Strada’s 
				depiction can be found today in the Vienna Coin Cabinet (fig. 
				36b). It originally came from the Tiepolo Collection. 
				Senator Giovanni Domenico Tiepolo had acquired Sebastiano 
				Erizzo’s famous coin collection at the end of the seventeenth 
				century; in 1821 it was sold to Emperor Francis I of Austria[67]. 
				Thorough examination of this piece showed that it was much 
				reworked – possibly even a cast[68] 
				– and in all likelihood not an original[69]. 
				Therefore, the drawing was certainly modelled on the piece from 
				Erizzo’s collection, with whom Strada was closely associated, as 
				numerous owners’ details in the Diaskeué attest[70]. 
				Unfortunately though, this coin is neither described nor 
				illustrated in Erizzo’s work Discorso sopra le medaglie[71].
The obvious diversity 
				between the description and illustration of this piece ought to 
				be seen as evidence that the Diaskeué does not contain 
				coin descriptions that complement the illustrations in the 
				MaNO. Originally, this assumption 
				had provided the foundation of our project and was based on 
				Strada’s statement in his book catalogue[72]
				and on his declaration in the 
				preface to his commentary on Caesar[73], 
				in which he explained that the coin descriptions in the 
				Diaskeué were meant to match the drawings after ancient 
				coins in the MaNO.
This short summary shows 
				that Strada – although he was aware of the problematic issue of 
				modern creations after the antique – was not always able to 
				distinguish between originals and imitations. To tell them apart 
				would have required – in addition to a thorough autopsy and 
				related methods of examining the material, presentation and 
				legends – the use of an accepted reference work or catalogue. 
				Unfortunately, at the time, no such work existed. Extensive 
				research and a proper methodology of comparison, for which none 
				of the prerequisites were yet available, would have been 
				necessary. Strada’s Diaskeué was a first attempt to 
				compose such a work. Interestingly, it did not meet with the 
				expected success, since the Diaskeué was never printed 
				and only survived in two complete manuscript copies[74]. 
				Thus the work was only known to specialists, such as Adolfo Occo 
				(1524‒1606)[75], 
				as well as to the imperial librarian in Vienna, Peter Lambeck 
				(1628‒1680), or Charles Patin (1633‒1693) whom Lambeck guided 
				through the imperial library[76]. 
				Therefore, Strada never received the full ›scholarly‹ 
				recognition for his work by his fellow antiquarians.
In addition, there was a 
				desire for completeness which was not only characteristic of 
				Strada, but also of the other so-called artists-antiquarians, 
				such as Enea Vico, Pirro Ligorio and Hubertus Goltzius, who were 
				led by this ambition to create reconstructions or imitations 
				(inventions/fantasies)[77]. 
				Consequently, Strada stated the following reasons for this type 
				of invention in the preface to the first volume of the 
				SERIES Impp. Roman. ac Graecorum et 
				Germanorum omnium a.C. Iulio.C.F.C.N. Caesare usque ad 
				Maximilianvm II. Caes. P. F. Aug. una cum liberis patrimis atque 
				matrimis ex a.a.a. numismatibus quam fidelissime delineatis: 
				inservimus etiam iuxta tempora hexarchos et longobardor reges 
				omnusqve cum ipsorum elogiis breviter descripsimus. Tomus primus 
				continet XII Caes. a C.IVl.C.F.C.N. Caes. usq. ad Nervam Imp.
				Ex Musaeo. Iacobi de Stradae Mantuani 
				Caess. Antiquarii Civis Romani[78]
				– meant as a short synthesis of 
				the MaNO and the Diaskeué and intended as a gift 
				for rich patrons, in particular the emperor: »Nevertheless, in 
				any case it is true that not all coins match all inscriptions, 
				as I would prefer: the reason is that not all of them were 
				discovered, although all of them were minted«[79]. 
				Due to their knowledge of the material and iconography, these 
				artists-antiquarians, i.e. the engravers Cavino, Cellini etc., 
				were also able to create »inventions after the antique«. This 
				kind of creativity contradicted the intention of the so-called 
				›humanist antiquarians‹, such as Antonio Agustin and Jean Matal, 
				who wanted to explore antiquity in all its aspects entirely on 
				the secure basis of authentic ancient monuments and literary 
				sources[80]. 
				Therefore, Agustín was suspicious of inventions by 
				artist-antiquarians, as he expressed in the well-known statement 
				in his work Dialoghi intorno alle medaglie, iscrittioni et 
				altri antichità:
My friend Pirro Ligorio 
				from Naples, a great antiquarian and painter, wrote over forty 
				books [i.e. manuscripts] about coins, buildings and other things 
				[...] without really mastering Latin, as did Hubertus Goltzius, 
				Enea Vico, Jacopo Strada and others. Those who read their books 
				might think that they read all the Latin and Greek books ever 
				written. They took what they needed from others and they exactly 
				drew with the pen what others described […][81].
The artist-antiquarians 
				wanted to reconstruct the ancient world as it had been using 
				their imagination and coin images. This development would come 
				to its peak in 1561 with Pirro Ligorio’s great plan of Rome 
				(figs 37a and b) Anteiquae urbis imago accuratissime ex 
				veteribus monumenteis formata, the buildings in which are 
				exclusively based on coin images[82].
						
					
					
						
					Paduans and other 
				all’antica medals remained extremely popular well into the 
				eighteenth century. Until the end of the Ancien Régime, these 
				coins presented outstanding objects for the knowledge, 
				appropriation and moral-educative role they possessed, even 
				though or precisely since they had no ancient origins. Although 
				they began to be criticized as copies by scholars by the end of 
				the sixteenth century, they would not be rejected as forgeries 
				until the nineteenth century[83].
Translation: Andrea M. 
				Gáldy: 
				agaldy@hotmail.com
						
						* My contribution was originally to 
						be presented under the same title on 2 April 2020 at the 
						annual meeting of the Renaissance Society of America in 
						Philadelphia as part of the session »Renaissance 
						Numismatics, Medals and Exonumia« which had to be 
						cancelled due to the corona crisis.
						
						[1] On 
						Strada’s date of birth, see Heenes 2010, pp. 296‒297, 
						note 4. Most recently and comprehensively, Jansen 2019, 
						p. 48 on Strada’s life and work.
						
						
						[2] Jansen 2014, pp. 
						155–172; Jansen 2019, pp. 57–60.
						
						
						[3] Weskie – 
						Frosien-Leinz 1987, p. 35 with note 53.
						
						
						[4] 
						Jansen 2019, pp. 60‒61.
						
						
						[5] 
						Translation: Excerpt from the treasure of antiquities, 
						i.e. the images of Roman emperors, eastern and western, 
						drawn as faithfully as possible from ancient coins. From 
						the museum of Jacopo da Strada, Mantuan Antiquarian.
						
						
						[6] 
						Strada used the woodcuts of the emperors and their 
						relatives once more in the Fasti et triumphi; 
						Dekesel 1993, p. 33.
						
						
						[7] Heenes 2003, p. 
						21; Peter 2016, p. 167.
						
						
						[8] Lemburg-Ruppelt 
						2000, p. 115.
						
						
						[9] 
						Ibid.; e.g. Epitome, pp.
						
						
						13‒14: 
						temple of Janus Quadrifrons from 
						
						
						MaNO 
						4, fol. 237r; 
						p. 
						
						18: The 
						mausoleum of Augustus from 
						
						MaNO 
						5, fol 213r, 
						or pp. 
						
						62–63: 
						the Palatium Nervae from 
						
						MaNO 
						14, fol. 24r. However, no 
						genuine coins can be linked to the drawings mentioned.
						
						
						[10] 
						Translation: Important and new work, containing 
						the description of the life, the images and of all coins 
						of both the Western and Eastern emperors and of the 
						tyrants (usurpers), with their co-regents, wives and 
						children, up to Emperor Charles V. Elaborated by Jacobo 
						de Strada from Mantua. First volume, 1550.
						
						
						[12] E.g.
						Epitome, p. 
						
						27: an 
						aureus of Claudius with the Aqua Claudia (really 
						the praetorian camp), 
						
						RIC I2 Claudius 7; 
						p. 
						
						56: a 
						sesterce of Titus with the Colosseum, 
						
						RIC II,12 Titus 185; 
						p.66: 
						a sesterce of Trajan with the Circus Maximus, 
						
						RIC II,2 Trajan 571/MIR 
						175a; pp. 
						
						102–103:
						Ritus Ludorum Secularum Templum duobus colonis 
						insistens, 
						
						RIC IV Geta 132; 
						p. 
						
						111: a 
						contorniate of Elagabalus with 
						the Temple of Sol Invictus,
						Gnecchi 1912, vol. 3 p. 40 no. 6; p. 
						
						114: a 
						denarius of Alexander Severus with the restored 
						Colosseum, 
						
						RIC IV Alexander Severus 33; 
						p. 
						
						129: a 
						contorniate of Philippus Arabus with an amphitheatre 
						(Colosseum), Gnecchi 1912, vol. 2 p. 99, no. 12; p.
						
						
						134: a 
						sesterce of Vibius Trebonianus Gallus with the Temple of
						Juno Martialis, 
						RIC IV Trebonianus Gallus 54. 
						
						
						[13] Lemburg-Ruppelt 
						2000, p. 115.
						
						
						[14] Heenes 2003, p. 
						21. On Varro’s system, see 
						Momigliano 1950, p. 289.
						
						
						[15] On 
						the difference between the terms ›imitations‹ and 
						›fantasies‹, see de Callataÿ 2014, pp. 269–291.
						
						
						[18] 
						Missere 2013, p. 280.
						
						
						[19] Out 
						of 3,764 drawings from the first 14 MaNO volumes, 
						examined up to now, about two thirds could be matched 
						with ancient models. About 18 Paduans have so far been 
						identified.
						
						
						[20]
						MaNO 
						2, fols 3r‒4r.
						
						
						[21] 
						Translation: Description of ancient gold, silver and 
						bronze coins, i.e. explanation of the coin images of the 
						Chaldeans, Arabs, Libyans, Greeks, Etruscans and 
						Macedonians, Asians, Syrians, Egyptians, Sicilians, 
						Latin and Roman kings from the foundation of the city, 
						of the gods, the consuls at the time of the Roman 
						Republic until today, both among the Latin emperors in 
						the West and among the Greek emperors in the East and 
						finally, when the empire of the Roman people perished, 
						of the exarchs and of the princes and dukes of the 
						barbarians. From the museum of the Mantuan antiquarian 
						Jacopo Strada, Roman citizen. With seven very reliable 
						indices, partly alphabetical, which contain the most 
						diverse things, partly chronological, which describe the 
						names of the kings, caesars, emperors and tyrants and 
						also of heroes.
						
						
						[22] 
						On the description of the reverse, 
						see Diaskeué 2, fol. 123v, p. 72 no. 3.
						
						
						[24] Here 
						and on the following, see Lemburg-Ruppelt 2000, p. 117 
						with note 13.
						
						
						[25] Livy,
						Ab urbe condita liber CXX periocha.
						
						
						[27] 
						Information by Massimo Bulgarelli, Venice.
						
						
						[28] 
						Information by Ingo Herklotz, Marburg, and Arnold 
						Nesselrath, Rome.
						
						
						[29] 
						Information by Ingo Herklotz, Marburg; Cichorius-scenes 
						XXIII und LXXI.
						
						
						[30] ÖNB 
						shelfmark Cod. 9410; Jansen 2019, pp. 684‒685; p. 860.
						
						
						[31] 
						Information by Arnold Nesselrath, Rome, and Timo 
						Strauch, Census, Berlin.
						
						
						[32]
						MaNO 3, fols 178r–179r.
						
						
						[33] Information by 
						Karsten Dahmen, Münzkabinett SMB, Berlin, and Michael 
						Matzke, HMB, Basel.
						
						
						[34] 
						Plutarch, Antonius 68,1.
						
						
						[35] 
						Discours, p. 20; RIC II Hadrian 62 (= 
						
						RIC II,32 Hadrian 509-510); 
						RIC II Hadrian 662 (RIC 
						II,32 Hadrian 748).
						
						
						[36]
						MaNO 
						9, fol. 145r. (CensusID 
						
						10183804,
						
						
						RIC Nero 323)
						
						
						[37] 
						Information by Michael Matzke, HMB, Basel.
						
						
						[38] The 
						previous 
						
						folio 236r in MaNO vol. 4 
						depicts the uncrowned Augustus accompanied by a divus 
						legend.
						
						
						[39] 
						Discours, p. 21.
						
						
						[40] Ohm 
						2014, pp. 81‒83; Ohm 2015, p. 221; Darnis 2003, pp. 
						15‒17; Stahl 2015, pp. 266‒287.
						
						
						[41] 
						Zeitz – Zeitz 2003, p. 140 no. 63.
						
						
						[42] 
						Zeitz – Zeitz 2003, p. 187 no. 98.
						
						
						[43] 
						MaNO 1, fols 233r‒234r.
						
						
						[44]
						
						
						Diaskeué 
						2, fol. 88r, p. 1 Nr. 2; 
						not illustrated in the Dialogos.
						
						
						[45] 
						Agustín bequeathed his coin collection to the Spanish 
						king. It included 130 gold coins, 1400 coins in silver 
						and 3871 in bronze. The bronze coins were taken to the 
						coin cabinet at the monastery San Lorenzo de El 
						Escorial. They were stolen by Napoleon’s troops; their 
						present location is unknown. In the original edition (Dialogos) 
						only 292 coins are depicted on 52 pls. These coins 
						probably came from Agustín’s collection (information 
						provided by Paloma Otero, Museo Arqueológico Nacional, 
						Madrid and Mariano Carbonell, Universitat Autònoma de 
						Barcelona).
						
						
						[46] 
						Klawans 1977, p. 21 no. 5: Obverse: Caesar laureate 
						l.r., DIVI IVLI; Reverse: Caesar riding the elephant 
						quadriga, LS SC. Most recently: Asolati 2018, pp. 
						138–139. A potential model for Cavino could have been an 
						Egyptian bronze coin of Trajan (RPC 
						III, 4667, 2). Information 
						provided by U. Peter, BBAW, Berlin.
						
						
						[48] 
						Klawans 1977, p. 68 no. 7.
						
						
						[50] 
						Diaskeué 3, fol. 118r no. 4 (CensusID
						
						
						10193997) 
						with MaNO 11, fol. 128r–129r 
						(CensusID 
						
						10193992
						and 
						
						10193995); 
						Klawans 1977, p. 64 no. 6, Colosseum with Meta Sudans.
						
						
						[51] RIC 
						II,12 Vespasian 194 (CensusID 
						
						10051539); 
						RIC II,12 Domitian 131 (CensusID 
						
						10066886). 
						Matzke 2018, pp. 144‒145; p. 149.
						
						
						[52] See 
						Matzke 2018, p. 148 no. I.51. Whether the left-facing 
						Vespasian and the legend COS VIII is an independent 
						type, so far unknown to scholars, or whether Strada made 
						mistakes here, must remain open.
						
						
						[53] 
						MaNO 9, fol. 30r and fol. 31r; RIC I2 
						Nero 179; Klawans 1977, p. 44 no. 2 (CensusID 
						
						10183794 
						and 
						
						10183797).
						
						
						[57] 
						Klawans 1977, p. 24 no. 5.
						
						
						[58] 
						Alföldi 1976, p. 225.
						
						
						[60] RIC 
						II,12 Vitellius 113.
						
						
						[62] The 
						sesterce of Vitellus with Honos and Virtus illustrated 
						therein (Dialogos, p. 
						
						94; RIC 
						I2 Vitellius 113, CensusID 
						
						10187200) 
						matches Strada’s description in der Diaskeué, as 
						well as the illustration in the Italian edition of 1592 
						(Discorsi, pl. 
						
						9). In 
						the second Italian edition of 1592 (Dialoghi, p.
						
						
						81) the 
						illustrations are embedded in the text and the 
						illustration matches Cavino’s copy.
						
						
						[63] AST 
						21, p. 183, fol. 134v.
						
						
						[64] 
						Klawans 1977, p. 58, no. 1; Matzke 2018, p. 143 no.
						I.47.
						
						
						[66] 
						MaNO 10, fol. 232r (CensusID 
						
						10187213). 
						I would like to thank Jonathan Kagan, New York, for 
						bringing this discrepancy to my attention.
						
						
						[67] Asolati 
						– Cattaneo 2019, pp. 133‒134 no. 69 (Marco Callegari).
						
						
						[68] 
						Information by Michael Matzke, HMB, Basel.
						
						
						[69] Information by 
						Klaus Vondrovec, KHM, Wien.
						
						
						[70] See, 
						for example, Diaskeué 2, fol. 166v, p. 159, no. 
						108; fol. 182v, p. 192, no. 17; Diaskeué 3, fol. 
						220r, p. 626, no. 5; fol. 220v, p. 627, no. 7; 
						Diaskeué 4, fol. 77v, p. 792, no. 6; 
						fol. 105r, p. 847, no. 11.
						
						
						[71] 
						Discorso; the coin is not even included in the later 
						editions of 1568, 1571 and 1585-1590.
						
						
						[72] 
						Index sive catalogus librorum; ÖNB Cod. 10101 fol. 
						1v: Alius liber de omnis generis ethnicis et antiquis 
						numismatibus aureis, argenteis et aereis, quae passim in 
						universo mundo inveniuntur, et ego magnis impensis et 
						cura acquisivi, quae latine in XI voluminibus descripta 
						sunt. Et hac numismata partim ipsemet et apud me habeo, 
						sicuti fabrefacta et excusa sunt; partim ipsemet manu 
						mea delineavi ex ipsis numismatibus veris passim 
						estantibus apud antiquitatum studiosos et viros 
						primarios. Suntque eorum quae descripta sunt novies 
						mille; et inter haec multa peregrina, utpote latina, 
						graeca, hetrusca, arabica et aphricana variis 
						characteribus et literis insignita, prius apud nos non 
						visa et conspecta.
						
						
						[73]
						C. Iulii Caesaris, 
						Dedicatoria: Missus sum ab hinc annis 
						20. in Italiam, Romam, Venetias ac alio ad numismata 
						auro, argento, ac aere efformata, vetustateque insignia 
						marmora comparanda, quae ego magna vi pecuniarum expensa 
						Augustam, nobilissimis spolijs exuta Italia, advexi. 
						Sunt inter ea quam plurima Imperatorum ac Imperatricum 
						capita, multae insuper integrae marmoreae statuea, 
						aliaque opera non minimi precij & pervetusta. Haec omnia 
						quoque familiae Bavariae cesserunt. Verum nec illud 
						silentio involuere possum, apud eundem Fuccarum 
						absoluisse me mea ipsius manu 18. magna volumina 
						numismatibus referta studiose delineatis ex archetypis 
						suis aureis, argenteis ac aereis, in quorum sunt & ea 
						numero quaecunque ego numismata uspiam terrarum totos 
						hos annos 30. quos in hoc studium absumpsi, videre 
						potui. Additae sunt autem singulis descriptiones Latinae 
						non suppressis etaim dominorum suorum, apud quos mihi ea 
						videre contigit, nominibus. Haec omnia coniecta in 11. 
						magna volumina cum alijs meis maximis ac dictu 
						incredibilibus laboribus Fuggerus suae Bibliothecae 
						addiderat.
						
						
						[74] 
						
						University Library Vienna, shelf 
						marks Ms III, 483 and 
						Hs III 160898/1-11;
						Czech National Library Prague, shelfmarks Codd 
						1197–1207.
						
						
						[75]
						The structure of Adolfo Occo’s work Imperatorum 
						Romanorum is strongly reminiscent of the systematic 
						subdivision adopted by Strada in the Diaskeué;
						information provided by Jonathan Kagan (New 
						York). For this work, see the PhD thesis of Gruber 2006, 
						pp. 5‒7.
						
						
						[76] 
						Jansen 2019, pp. 10–13.
						
						
						[77] 
						Further details: Missere 2013, pp. 279–281. 
						
						
						[78] 
						Translation: Series of all emperors of the Romans, 
						Greeks and Germans from Gaius Julius Caesar, son of 
						Gaius and grandson of Gaius, up to Maximilian II, 
						Caesar, the pious and happy Augustus, together with the 
						children, whose father and mother are still alive, from 
						bronze, silver and gold coins: We have also classified 
						all the exarchs and kings of the Lombards in accordance 
						with the times. We have briefly described these together 
						with their own inscriptions. The first volume contains 
						the twelve Caesars from Gaius Julius, son of Gaius and 
						grandson of Gaius, to Emperor Nerva. From the museum of 
						the Mantuan Jacopo Strada, antiquarian of the emperor 
						and Roman citizen (CensusID 
						
						10082563).
						
						
						[80] See 
						the detailed discussion in Heuser 2003, pp. 88‒103.
						
						
						[81] 
						Dialoghi p. 117.
						
						
						[82] Most 
						recently: Long 2018, pp. 137‒138.
						
						
						[83]
						Burkart 2018, p. 25. 
						In his 
						
						letter of 29 January 1695 
						to Nicolas Thoinard (1629–1706), Andreas Morell 
						(1646–1703) criticized Strada’s imitations. The invented 
						coin of Vespasian, mentioned in the letter, is included 
						in MaNO 11, fols 
						
						22r–23r. 
						Information provided by F. de Callataÿ, KBR, Brussels.